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12 May 2019

Peter Nicholas Pogose the less successful cousin


Not all the Pogose’s were successful in life. Peter Nicholas Pogose had to learn at a very young age to live by his wits and words. He never really had the same flourish as his more successful cousin Joakim Gregory Nicholas Pogose the Pogose School founder. 

In 1867 Peter's father Nicholas was briefly one of four proprietors of the “Dhaka Daily News”, a Planter’s Journal issued weekly. Only 225 copies were printed and distributed. In 1876[1]  he was also a Warden of the Armenian Church Dhaka, but during his lifetime was declared “hopelessly insolvent”. Nicholas’s son Peter Nicholas Pogose and his wife Eugenie née Manook seem to spend the majority of their lives playing catch-up and trying to avoid their creditors. Peter was embroiled in a spectacular court case for fraud, eventually being found guilty.

In 1884 Peter Nicholas Pogose, (son of Nicholas Peter Pogose[2] and Mary née  Sarkies, and great grandson of Nicholas Marcar Pogose)[3], was embroiled in a sensational court case of fraud where it was alleged he used his marriage settlement to his wife (who was a minor) to deliberately avoid paying his ever growing and impatient creditors by ensuring his finances had been transferred in to his wife’s name, Eugene née Manook. 

In June 1877 the Delhi and London Bank obtained a decree against him for a sum of Rs 11,076. Later that month Pogose entered into an agreement with the Bank Manager to pay them Rs 2,000 quarterly until the debt, including interest had been cleared. However, he dragged his feet in making payments and in August 1877 wrote to the Bank claiming he was having trouble finding the first instalment and asked for their patience in the matter until January 1878 when he indicated he would be in a position to pay them. Between September 1877 and February 1878 he managed to find Rs 4,000 towards his debt. After the last payment on the 25th February of a measly Rs 490, Peter Pogose and his wife immediately left Dacca and sailed for England, no further payments were made. The Bank’s patience waning, they applied to the Mymensingh Court for an execution of an attachment to his properties in that district. In June 1880 Pogose put in a claim stating that on the 5th November 1877, the day prior to his marriage to Eugene Manook he has entered into an ante-nuptial settlement in which his properties in Mymensingh were part of that agreement [a modern day pre-nup] with her, and these properties rested with Eugene for her life, and after her death to her children by him.  Astutely, Pogose had ensured a clause in the marriage settlement that stated his wife was to support him for his lifetime, and concluded “…and that henceforth all my rights to the same shall cease to exist….” In June 1878 he took out a certificate to manage these properties on behalf of his wife. The courts could see he was trying to circumnavigate his financial situation, and dismissed this in December 1880 where it was stated that the settlement was “….no more than a mere ostensible transfer, carrying with it no change of ownership….” Further action was initiated by Eugene to declare her interest in the properties but it was concluded that the whole process had been set up with a view to “defraud the creditors of P.N. Pogose, and that the judgement-debtor, his father-in-law, Mr. Manook and friends had collusively got up the deed, with the object of protecting the properties of P.N. Pogose.”  The courts decided that it was highly unlikely that Eugene’s parents didn’t know of Pogose’s financial woes and were colluding to try and minimise any repayments.
Graphic showing the cousin connection between Joakim Gregory Nicholas Pogose and Nicholas Peter Pogose
 The courts were simply not having any of the arguments put before them, and concluded: “… at the time when Mr. Pogose was hopelessly in debt, he contracted a marriage, in consideration of which he settled whatever property he had upon his wife and children, subject to his maintenance, and a debt which had previously been charged on the property in dispute. The circumstances under which the deed was executed, as well as the nature of the transaction, tend to show that the conveyance was made with a view to screen the property from the creditors.” The Court went on: “…before the marriage between Mr and Mrs Pogose, they had been related to each other, and it is probably that Mrs. Pogose and her parents were aware of the insolvent state of Mr. Pogose, when the conveyance was executed………..The fact that Mr. Pogose conveyed all his property charging it with his maintenance and the payment of the mortgage debt only, in consideration of his marriage to Mrs. Manook, who did not in return advance any sum to, or place any property at the dispose of Mr. Pogose, clearly tends to show that the settlement was made under the cloak of marriage with a view to defraud creditors.”

The court described Mr. Pogose and that of his family: “…Mr. Peter Nicholas Pogose, against whom the decree has been obtained, was the son of Mr. Nicholas Petroos Pogose, who is now dead. The latter was once a gentleman of very large property; but he became hopelessly and notoriously insolvent, and his property was assigned to trustees for the benefit of his creditors.  The first witness for the plaintiff, who has been in the service of the Pogose family as mohurir since the year 1841, described the property of Mr. Pogose’s father as worth seven or eight lacs of rupees, whilst his debts were upwards of twelve lacs.

Simplified chart showing Peter Nicholas Pogose and Eugene Manook as 2nd cousins and husband and wife
 The plaintiff was a second cousin of her husband, and the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Carlo (sic) Johannes Manook.  The plaintiff at the time of the marriage was sixteen years of age; and we are told by her parents that the proposals for the marriage took place in 1876, about a year before the marriage. Mr. Pogose had a one-seventh share of his mother’s property, which consisted of an 8-anna share in an estate in Mymensingh, and in four other smaller properties in Backergunge.  There was no honest reason, so far as we can see, why Mr. Pogose should have so completely denuded himself [financially]; and it does not appear that Mrs. Pogose brought anything whatever into the settlement.

We entirely agree with the Courts below that the manifest object of this transaction was to defraud Mr. Pogose’s creditors.

At the time of his marriage, Mr. Pogose still owed the Bank upwards of Rs 10,000, he owed his solicitors Rs, 4,000; and there  is evidence of three other Small Cause Court decrees being out against him, which were taken at the hearing before us to amount to Rs 3,000.  He therefore owed at least Rs 17,000; and it is possible, of course, that his debts may have been very much larger.”

Peter Pogose inherited nothing from his insolvent father, but rather his mother. Desperate times call for desperate measures, but his plan was never going to work.

“It must be borne in mind, that the Manooks were nearly [closely] related to the Pogose family.  They must have known perfectly well, what was notorious through the country at the time, that Mr. Pogose’s father, who was once a man of fortune, had become hopelessly insolvent.  Mr. Manook could hardly under such circumstances have allowed his daughter to marry Mr. Pogose without ascertaining his pecuniary position. And considering that Mr. Pogose’s Babus were perfectly aware of his indebtedness, it seems impossible to suppose that Mr. Manook should not have known this.

Then the extraordinary character of the settlement itself appears to us a clear indication of fraud.

Then, what was the value of the property settled? His father had died hopelessly insolvent. [Since the marriage] he has ever since managed the property and been in receipt of the rents and profits of it, through his brother, Mr. Carr Pogose.  So soon as Mr. Pogose had paid the Bank Rs, 2,000 in February 1878, he at once went off to England with Mrs. Pogose, and so far as appears, he has been there ever since”

In addition, the Court observed: “Further evidence indicated that Mrs. Pogose returned to Dacca after a year in England, only to go back to England again, Mr. Pogose never having set foot back in India[4] after the court case and both of them NEVER having made a personal appearance during any part of the hearing.”

Their appeal was dismissed and Mr. and Mrs. Peter Nicholas Pogose were found guilty of fraud.

After the court case, and by 1883 he had moved his family to England, their next child, Lily was born in Paddington in March of that year.

Another child, Gladys was born in India in April 1884, but the peripatetic lifestyle of Peter and Eugene was such that Gladys was baptised in London in November of that year. 

Two further children were born in England; Weenie in 1886 and Kate in 1887.
Whilst Eugene had 7 young children to look after ranging from 11 years to a new born baby, Peter once again got himself into trouble in 1887.

This time, he found himself in court charged with fraud and perjury.  The newspapers reported the case over several days and it would appear he had changed his name slightly, to perhaps put off the scent from India. In England he was Peter Nicholas Thaddeus Pogose, a law student, but no record can be found for him passing any law examinations.  In the Shrewsbury Conspiracy Case, the courts found him guilty and he was sent to prison for four months hard labour. In the Staffordshire Chronicle[5] it was reported that “..he had begun life as a ‘law student’, but had taken to bill dealing……” One newspaper did report a whiff of his previous bankruptcy[6] but did not dwell on it, preferring to report on the current case, rather than what had happened in the past.

Reinventing himself for a second time because of his fraudulent way and trying to put Dacca into a dim and distant past, he turned to the United States, putting miles and years between him and his fall from grace in Bangladesh.  He found respectability - eventually. It is unclear exactly when he arrived in the USA, but it is thought that once he had served his prison term, he left England to seek another new start, his wife and children joined him there in 1890.

The last two offspring of Peter and Eugene were born in New York; Leslie in 1895 and Olivette in 1898.

Eugene Pogose nee Manook.
Portrait from a passport application.

He became a travelling salesman for ink and printing products. Working for the Jaenecke Printing Co[7]., in New Jersey, he regularly travelled around the US and by all accounts, was well liked and respected.

The Eagle newspaper in Texas noted on 23rd July 1912:

“N.P. Pogose of New York State spent last night and today in Bryan. He is travelling salesman for Jaenecke Printing Ink Co., and has been travelling for twenty-nine years. We find him a very agreeable old gentleman and hope he will make Bryan often.”

He must have been doing very well for himself because he listed in the Classified Ads of “The Record” in 1915 a New Jersey paper, that he had a six roomed flat with “bath and all improvements” to let, as well as a large store and office[8]. However in the same newspaper in May 1916 Nicholas was found guilty and fine $50 with costs of $18.40 for maintaining a disorderly house and a gambling den.[9]

Descendants of Peter and Eugenie’s children all now live in the USA. Peter passed away in May 1925 in New York, Eugenie passed away in December 1949 also in New York. A long way from the family lands and Zamindari of Dacca, they are buried together in Rockland Cemetery, New Jersey.



[1] ‘The Indian Mirror’ of 28th November 1875
[2] Nicholas Peter Pogose is often incorrectly attributed as the founder of the Pogose School. He was not. It was his cousin, Joakim Gregory Nicholas Pogose, also known as "Nicky" who founded the school. Nicholas can be found listed as the Secretary at the school rather than the founder and headmaster. See Bengal Directory 1875 for entry. 
Nicholas Peter Pogose lost his father, Peter Nicholas Pogose at the age of 12. Nicholas’s mother Elizabeth re-married in 1842 a year after her husband’s death to Deare John Christian the son of a Jewish Polish immigrant. Evidence of Nicholas Peter Pogose being in early education at the time of the founding of the Pogose School lends additional weight that he could not have started the Pogose School.  This can be seen in the “General Report on Public Instruction in the Lower Provinces of the Bengal Presidency for 1845-46” where Nicholas Peter Pogose is noted as having obtained a ‘junior scholarship’ at the Dacca College aged 15 in June 1846. The report notes that some students in this school continued education there until they were in their early 20’s. Certainly, Nicholas Peter Pogose would not have been equipped nor experienced enough between the ages of 15 and 17 to create the Pogose School by June 1848 when he would have been just 5 months shy of his 18th birthday. Furthermore, Nicholas Peter Pogose spent a great deal of his early adult years fighting debtors and bankruptcy and was never as successful as his cousin Joakim.

[3] See family tree below for a better understanding of this branch of the Pogose stem
[4] This couldn’t have been the case, because their first three children, Nicholas, Eva and Richard  were all born in India between 1878 and 1881.
[5] 27th November 1887 P.6
[6] He had a County Court Judgement against him dated 9 January 1882 for £17-16s-2d, at today’s values that is approximately £1,700. (see “Extracts from the Register of County Courts” Commercial Gazette 2 February 1882). The address for him at the time was given as Rose Lawn, Catford Bridge, London.
In January 1883 he was declared bankrupt, and Trustees Robert Lindsay and Sidney Smith were appointed to oversee the property and debts of Pogose, his address at the declaration of bankruptcy was 2 Roseford Terrace, Shepherds Bush, London.(See London Gazette 27 February 1883 P.1170). By July 1885, his long-suffering wife, Eugenie appears to have entered into a “Bill of Sale Agreement” with a Thomas Bromwich for the sum of £150 (Today’s value would be around £15,000). She is described as ‘wife of Peter Nicholas Pogose of 10 Wharton Road, Addison Park, London’. By putting the debt in her name, was this a case of Eugenie being used once more by her husband to try and get himself out of trouble, just the same way it was disclosed in the Court Case in India?
[7] The Tampa Tribune, 30 October 1906
[8] The Record, Hackensack New Jersey 25th April 1915 P.7
[9] The Record, Hackensack New Jersey 20th May 1916. P.1

09 April 2019

1911 Census for Armenians in Calcutta

I always like discovering "new" snippets of information regarding Armenians in India. Recently, whilst browsing Alien documents at the NA Kew I found this small but important gem.

A British Government official confirming that there were 815 Armenians in Calcutta at the time of the British 1911 Census.

1911 Census for Armenians in Calcutta


Just take a moment. This has NEVER been released before. Analysis of the 1911 Census in India does not show Armenians as a separate group (unlike Parsi's who are listed separately) but rather they are part of the "Christian" group analysis.

This is a significant statistical find for the Armenian population of Calcutta and it is brought to your attention here first.

All I need to do now is find the actual Census returns, and we're laughing 😊

31 March 2019

Armenians in Calcutta, True Population: Snapshot View of the Early 19th Century

Have you ever wondered about the number of Armenians who lived in Calcutta during the 19th century? 

Many people think it was actually more than just a few hundred. In fact it can be seen from these figures, that it really was only just a few hundred. 

Originally extracted from the Armenian Church Registers of the Holy Nazareth Church Calcutta, this snapshot gives a far more realistic picture of the Armenian minority community of the city. Compiled from the Statistics of the Colonies of the British Empire, 1839.

In 1814 there were 464 Armenians in Calcutta
In 1815 there were 480 Armenians in Calcutta
In 1836 there were 505 Armenians in Calcutta



31 October 2018

John Arakelian D.C.M. Public Service Beyond Question - Dignity in the Face of Adversity

Last year I was fortunate to work with CAIA, the Centre for Armenian Information and Advice in London on their UK Armenians and WW1 project.

One of the stories I uncovered was about John Arakelian, his work with the British Intelligence in the Middle East and how he came to save 380 orphaned Armenian boys and girls in Baghdad. The original post can be found on CAIA's website above.

Following the project's completion I reproduce the story here on my blog because there is a Armenian Calcutta connection. (Please note the hyperlinks in [square brackets] do not work in this blog, please go to the end of the story to see the appropriate link.)

John Haig Arakelian D.C.M., M.M.

“…How?
How did I end up here?
In a jail in Wales.
How?...” 

On a cold November morning in 1914, John Arakelian found himself being detained by the Chief Constable of Newport Police as an ‘unregistered alien’, the underlying accusation being that he was a German spy[1]. Held for several days in a local gaol pending further enquiries, one can only imagine how he must have felt. He could be forgiven for allowing his mind to drift off and think about home; the warm breezes blowing across his land, the golden hues of a setting sun reflecting on the surrounding hills and mountains and the beautiful sweet smells hanging in the air, gently wafting up from the successful family farm growing 84,000 fruit trees. And yet as he lay in his cell, he had faith. Protesting he was not Turkish but Armenian, recounting his already extraordinary military service in the British Army, that faith was, eventually proved.

After exhaustive enquiries by the Chief Constable into John’s life which revealed nothing untoward, John was released without charge[2] and allowed to return to what he did best. Serving in the British Army. He was in Wales with his regiment, the 3rd Dragoon Guards, going about his military business and following orders. It was his background, accent, looks and his ability to speak six languages that made authorities twitchy. Yet, his future military actions would prove unequivocally that he was loyal, trustworthy and dedicated to the Crown. It’s just a shame the British Government took so long to recognise this extraordinarily unique, fearless yet humble Armenian when it came to his application for citizenship of the country he had served for 17 years.

Born on the 1st April 1886 in Broussa near Constantinople, one of 10 children[3] (he had two brothers and seven sisters), this staunchly Armenian family owned considerable property and land. A large warehouse was used for the manufacture of silk and the Arakelian’s ensured their workers had sufficient housing, dedicating one large house, four smaller houses, eleven other houses and a large bath house solely for their use. The family also grew several thousand grape vines and fruit trees. It was a long establish and profitable farm, and they helped the local community by employing as many people as they could between their fruit and silk businesses.

John’s father, Onig but also known as John, passed away when he was seven years of age in 1892. The property and assets became the sole responsibility of his mother Pilazou neé Andonian but the family soon fragmented and split up. His two brothers Bedros and Vahram and two of his sisters as well as an aunt went to England to live in 1894. John remained behind and attended the local protestant school. Four years later his brother, Bedros returned to the family farm from England and made arrangements for John to go and live there with him. By 1900 both John and Vaham were in London, and with the guidance of their brother Bedros, John was quickly enrolled at Professor  Garabed[4]   Thoumaian’s School, completing his education at  Clarence School at Weston-Super-Mare. He took an apprenticeship in 1904 with an established and well respected firm of builders, Foster & Sons of Bath to learn machinery. He stayed for a year and moved to Glasgow finding employment within the engineering department of a large company. He quickly realised this was not the path he wanted to follow and boldly set about joining the Scottish military by applying to the Royal Scots Greys. His first posting was to the depot in Edinburgh. For the sake of clarity, he ensured the military authorities were aware of his nationality and that he wasn’t a British Subject. This wasn’t something they were particularly concerned about and being impressed by his physique as well as having the correct credentials, John was posted to Tidworth Camp near Salisbury. Whilst there he caught the eye of a General who complimented him on his “smart appearance and good horsemanship[5].”  

By 1908 John was sent to India to serve and transferred to the 1st Royal Dragoons at Muttra in Agra, his multitude of languages made him stand out from other soldiers and he was able to converse locally in Hindustani. One day, the Regiment Sergeant foolishly bet that if he could ride a particularly wilful and stubborn horse without being thrown off he would be given a month’s leave. John accepted the challenge with relish and, needless to say, accomplished the ride with ease. He was soon planning his month’s leave to Calcutta.

John Arakelian and the Calcutta Armenians



In Calcutta John would no doubt have gravitated toward the Armenian Church and the thriving Armenian community of the city.  It wasn’t long before he was approached by a well known local Armenian coal mine owner, C.L. Phillips[6] of Kusunda Nayadih Colliery, near Dhanbad.[7] Phillips was impressed by John and offered to purchase his discharge from the Army. John agreed and went to work for another Armenian coal firm Martin & Co in the Asansol/Dhanbad area, where he stayed until 1912. The Regiment Sergeant must have been kicking himself at the loss of such a versatile and talented soldier. But India was never going to be his last destination and after four years there, John was keen to return to Broussa and to the family farm so that he could take it over.  He requested six months’ leave from Martin & Co and sailed from Calcutta at the earliest opportunity.

Constantinople – A Strong Bond


John felt the pull of home more than ever and, rather than returning to India as he had planned, he found a position in Constantinople as a PT instructor at the American College. He wanted and needed to be close to home.

In 1912 John purchased the shares and assets of his mother and siblings and became the sole owner of the family farm, property and lands in Broussa. (Later, during WW1, whilst he was serving in the British Army, the whole of the family property was destroyed by the Turks because the Turkish authorities discovered he was serving with the British forces.)

In November 1912 the Balkan War brought him to the attention of British born barrister Sir Edwin Pears in Constantinople via Major Graves The Times correspondent of that city. Sir Edwin enquired of John as to whether he would be willing to obtain information concerning the Balkan War for English newspaper correspondents. John agreed and having met with the newspaper representatives at the Pera Palace Hotel in Constantinople he was, in John’s words:

“immediately arrested by the Turkish authorities (at the instigation of a Greek spy), and after five days confinement, was brought before the Turkish authorities War Minister, Nazim Pasha, who was rather partial to Armenians.  After questioning me as to my dealings with the English, he said that was it not for the high esteem they had for my late father he would have me shot. However, he admonished me and advised me to devote my abilities with the sword in instructing the Turkish officers.  On my release I was followed by two detectives, but after outwitting them, I went to the British Consul who arranged for me to be sent immediately to Egypt.”

It is remarkable that John survived that close shave with the authorities, it is even more remarkable that once in Egypt, his desire was still so strong he continued to want to help the British where possible. With his Secret Service work in Constantinople behind him and holding an introduction to the British Consul at Alexandria, he was quickly appointed to the Egyptian Police Force. Once again he made a good impression, this time of the Chief of Police and received praise for his work. John spent only a year in Egypt, he was anxious to return to Constantinople and he did just that in December 1913. With the assistance of Sir Edwin Pears by way of another introduction, this time to the Standard Oil Company, John was given the position of Assistant Engineer with the firm based at the Dardanelles. He was responsible for a workforce of 200 men in road-making that needed to be sufficiently well built to withstand heavy machinery for the company. On one occasion and ever the observant professional, he spotted Turkish forces in the distance moving heavy guns and military equipment. He immediately informed Standard Oil Company and he was instructed to close down the operation and return to Constantinople. He immediately relayed this important piece of surveillance to the British.

A Second Period in the British Army


At the outbreak of War in 1914 John was strongly advised by an English friend in Constantinople to re-join the British Army. He registered at the British Consul and was sent to England with a number of others also wishing to join.  After reporting to Whitehall he was sent to Newport in Wales where he joined the 3rd Dragoon Guards. He had only been in Newport for a fortnight when he was suspected of being a German spy and arrested. Three Court appearances and 22 days later he was cleared and released. Remarkably, he chose to continue to serve in the Army and was sent to Canterbury in Kent soon after this episode. Whilst in Canterbury he, and a number of others, went before the town Mayor to swear and sign a declaration. John believed this to be a naturalisation process, and little did he know that this misunderstanding would once again cause him no end of trouble 10 years hence.

Extracted from his Naturalisation application, a recount of some of his military career.

On the 3rd April 1916 an attack was made on the first two front trenches at HANNAH position.  We advanced about 3 miles the same day and captured FULAHYAH Redoubt and a communication trench.  I was responsible for taking the communication trench, and seven prisoners who I handed over to General O’Dowda. After this engagement I was promoted Sergeant. After the engagement at SANAIYAT on the 9th April 1916 I was awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for conspicuous gallantry to attending to, and bringing in wounded under rifle fire in front of the enemy’s trenches. (See London Gazette, 14th November 1916).

At SHOOMRA BEND, I was in charge of the snipers and listening posts in no man’s land, where I was successful killing one of the enemy snipers – a Sergeant. Near this position, the late General Maude came to see me in the front trenches, and complimented me for the good services I had rendered. At SHOOMRA BEND I was asked by my Commanding Officer (Lt. Col. B. Macnaughten) if I would signal the advance of the battalion from the parapet of the trenches when the attach was launched. I volunteered to undertake this duty, and I stood in full view of the enemy’s position for about six minutes to give the pre-arranged three signals for the battalion to advance.

The late General Maude was kind enough to give permission for me to search the villages for any Armenian children held in captivity by the Mohommedans.  By this means I collected about 380 Armenian boys and girls at BAGHDAD, where an orphanage was formed by the Americans for their welfare.

On one occasion when in BAGHDAD assisting the Intelligence Department, and collecting Armenian children, I discovered a large quantity of machine guns, ammunition, explosives, searchlights etc., hidden by the Germans and Turks in one of the houses.

I volunteered to go to KUT and get into communication with General Townsend to receive information and return to the British lines, but General Beach, Chief of the Intelligence Staff considered the undertaking was too hazardous and would not consent.

On another occasion in BAGHDAD some 150 persons were collected together contrary to orders, trying to create a riot.  When I arrived on the scene, I found an interpreter and British Military Police with fixed bayonets endeavouring to arrest the offenders.  Intervened and suggested to the officer in charge that the police be ordered to unfix their bayonets and return to their quarters.  I then coerced 75 of the principal offenders to accompany me to the Police Headquarters.  They were eventually tried, five of the leaders being sentenced to 18 months hard labour, and the remainder to one month’s hard labour, and deported from the country.

Again in BAGHDAD I collected about 40 Turkish officers and Turkish government employees, who by proclamation should have surrendered.  I brought them to the Military Police headquarters, where they were transferred to the Prisoners of War Camp in India. 

Courtesy of the Imperial War Museum London. Men of John's regiment, the 6th King's Own (Royal Lancaster) Regiment bathing in a creek near Basra during the summer of 1916

John recalls:

I joined the British Army in 1914 and was demobilised 5th October 1920 at Constantinople. From here I was sent to Armenia and served under the Armenian government. On the 11th June 1921 I arrived at Baghdad and reported to the British Headquarters where I was employed on intelligence duties under Major W.J. Bovill and transferred later to S.M. Section under British government for supplying electric power and water to Baghdad. On 5th November 1921 I went to Calcutta (India) and was a student at the French Motor Company Calcutta until March 1922.  I returned to Baghdad 23rd April 1922 as motor engineer but was unsuccessful in business. On the recommendation of Colonel W. Dent I was employed by Iraq Aircraft Dept Royal Air Force where I served until 1924. I was then transferred to Navy Army and Air Force institute and resigned my position in August 1924 to return to England but unfortunately I fell and broke my arm and owing to financial difficulties I was compelled to remain in Baghdad until I left for England in May 1925. I have now nearly completed 12 months in London since May 1925 but in all as my history shows I have been about 17 years in England and in the British Army and with British companies. 48 Cornwall Road, Harrow – May to June 1925. 134 Fellings Road, Goodmayes – June 1925 to March 1926.

I have served under the British since I completed my education in England in all, about 17 years, therefore I feel more British and my record in the British Army is not in vain, I hope.

Naturalisation, Compensation, Honour, Acceptance - Disappointment


Initially, at the time of John’s application for naturalisation in 1925, he hadn’t lived in England for the minimum qualifying period of five years, and his application was put back. However, because his “public services were beyond question” it was suggested by a reviewing officer that he should wait a year and apply again. John’s urgency for a successful application was compounded by the fact that his personal circumstances were now desperately dire. With a wife and young baby he was barely scraping a living as a window cleaner at the Savoy Hotel in London. He couldn’t apply for his War Compensation because he wasn’t a British citizen.  Even the reviewing officer felt John was a most deserving case


“I am sorry for this man, who has deserved well of this country, and would be reluctant to stigmatise him for all time as a “window cleaner”. He was an engineer, but in hard times he is not ashamed to do any work he can get.”



John was finally granted naturalisation in August 1926 at which time he applied for his War Compensation. Unfortunately he was notified that it was too late and his application was rejected. This would have been a bitter blow.

He and his wife Angel, whose first child was born in Baghdad in 1925, went on to have at least 2 more children who were born in London.

Following the death of his wife Angel in London in 1933, John spent some time living with his son and daughter-in-law in Hertfordshire. In 1959 he made one last voyage to the Middle East. No further trace of him can be found.

He was a man of great loyalty, dedication, commitment and dignity in the face of adversity and, in his own words…..


Medals

Recommended for a Victoria Cross which is the highest award in the UK honours system. He ended being awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal, the second highest award in the honours systems. He was also awarded the Military Medal As well as the 1914-1915 Star, the British War Medal 1914-1920 and the Victory Medal 1914-1919.


Sources used for this blog entry:

AGBU on Flickr
Ancestry.com
Archive.org
BillionGraves.com
British Library
California Digital Newspaper Collection
Digital Library of India
Families in British India Society
Find A Will, Government Website
Findmypast.co.uk
Forces War Records
Hathi Trust Digital Library
Imperial War Museum
London Gazette
National Archives Kew
Newspaperarchive.com
Newspapers.com
British Newspaper Archive
Wellcome Trust Library

My thanks to Diane John for assisting with document acquisition.


[1] Western Mail, 3 November 1914, P.3
[2] Western Mail, 17 November 1914, P.3
[3] British Army WW1 Service Records, 1914-1920 for John Haig Arakelian – Personal Statement
[4] In June 1893 Professor Toumaian, who was also an Armenian Pastor was teaching at the American-Armenian Christian College, “Anatolia College”  in Marsovan. He and a number of other Armenian intellectuals were detained by the Turks who believed there was an “insurrectionary movement among the Armenian Christians”. During the trial, it has been expected that Professor Toumaian and fellow teacher at the college Mr. Kayayan, would be quickly released. Even with little or no evidence to suggest they were involved, both men were in fact condemned to death. On hearing the news the Professor’s wife, Madame Toumaian vigorously lobbied in the Houses of Parliament trying to get assistance from the members for their release. Perhaps bowing to external pressure, by August 1893 the Turkish authorities pardoned Professors Toumaian and Kayayan and expelled them from the country. Toumaian returned to England and settled in Essex with his wife and children. During WW1 Toumaian’s son, Armen signed up and fought in France against the Germans for the British.
[5] British Army WW1 Service Records, 1914-1920 for John Haig Arakelian – Personal Statement
[6] Armenian Settlements in India by Anne Basil, P.85.
[7] Indian Engineering Vol. 31 by Patrick Doyle 1902.