It is often repeated that the ‘founding fathers’ of the
Armenian church in Dacca were Messrs Sarkies, Kevorke, Pogose and Petrus
respectively. Numerous reports tell us the land was donated by ‘Armenian
nobleman Agha Catchick Minas’ (also known as Agha Catchik Emnias). Let’s
explore some of these individuals and take a peek into a small period of their
lives.
For the early Armenian settler in Dacca life was constantly
challenging, one-sided and often unfairly stacked against them. Saddled with
troubles with-in and with-out of this small community, these ‘big-named’
individuals who strove to make a living weren’t just trying to outwit their
competitors but also some of their more notoriously tricky British chiefs.
Along side that, some were in constant battle with their own community and
families as well.
A perfect example of this is in 1773 when Khoja Michael Ter
Stephanoss, more commonly known as Khoja Michael Sarkies, entered into a
partnership with Coja Kevorke jointly running salt farms in Savagepore and
Selimabad under contract to the East India Company. They reported directly to
Richard Barwell, the Chief of Dacca. Barwell was ruthlessly ambitious and,
according to correspondence written in January 1769[1]
to his sister Mary in England, he was: “willing to spend five thousand pounds[2] for the
chiefship of Dacca and Patna……to supervise the collection of the revenues.”
Barwell got his wish in 1772 and quickly became a law unto himself. He decided
to take away the contract Sarkies and Kevorke had already been given to supply
salt to the East India Company. Through no fault of their own, their losses
were immense because of Barwell’s double dealing and greed for more revenue[3], something he
tried unsuccessfully to prove in Court. A protracted enquiry ensued in Calcutta
at the Supreme Court, and all the evidence stacked in the favour of the
Armenian partners whilst Barwell was found to be trading in an unorthodox and
underhand manner. His unauthorised demand of Rs125,000 to be paid directly to
him, circumnavigating the official East India Company contract, was Barwell’s
downfall.[4] Although their names and reputations were
honoured and kept in tact, their finances took a huge blow, something they
never recovered from, as can be seen from this extract of the case summary.[5]
…..That in the month of February 1774, Mr. Barwell
dispossessed Coja Keworke and Coja Michael of the Farm and gave it to two other
men. It does not appear that any other reason was assigned for dispossessing
Coja Keworke, but the claim Mr. Barwell sets up to his right to the Farm, and
to dispose of as he thinks proper.
It does not appear by any deed of conveyance or other
instrument produced to the Committee, that there was any assignment or
transfer, made either by the original nominee, or the two securities, of their
property in the Farm to Mr. Barwell.
The Committee are of opinion that no such assignment or
transfer from the nominee to Mr. Barwell could be valid, without the consent of
the two securities, who in that case must have been allowed to relinquish their
engagements with the Company; since it would be a manifest injustice to oblige
them to answer for the performance of stipulated engagements in behalf of any
person, to whom the original nominee might think fit to transfer his right, and
for whom they had not agreed to become security.
It appears that very shortly after Mr. Barwell had
dispossessed Coja Keworke and Coja Michael of their Farm, he restored it again
to them, on conditions very disadvantageous to them, and different from those
on which they first held it……………that Mr. Barwell has not produced any leases or
grants whatsoever from Government, in support of his claim to the Salt Farms of
Selimabad and Duckan Savagepore.
That Mr. Barwell has appropriated to his own use
considerable sums, arising from the Salt Farms abovementioned, to the prejudice
of the Company. That Mr. Barwell’s being engaged, intermeddling, or being
anyway concerned, directly or indirectly, in the Inland Trade in Salt, from 1st
August 1774, is against Law.
That Mr. Barwell’s declaration, “That if the present Chief
of Dacca does not engage in this emolument, he thinks himself better entitled
to it than any Armenian or Bengalee, who would otherwise benefit in his room”,
implies a determination in him not to relinquish the above emolument.
That Coja Kaworke and Michael are the only persons who
appear to have had in fact the original management of the Farms in question, or
upon whom the Company could have had a claim, supporting the quantity of Salt
contracted for had not been delivered; and that these persons, in February
1774, were dispossessed of the Farms, and afterwards restored to them, by the sole
authority of the Chief, without any order of the Council of Dacca.
That the sums received by Mr. Barwell on account of the
Farms, whether voluntarily paid or violently extorted from Coja Kaworke and
Michael, do not invalidate their right to the Farms.
That Coja Kaworke and Michael should be put into possession
of the two Farms, for the remainder of the term of the original lease, on
condition of their making good to the Company all balances which may be now due
on account of their engagements as securities for the nominal Farmers, and of
their delivering to the Company the additional quantity of ten thousand Maunds
of salt annually, which had been collusively reserved for the use of the Chief
of Dacca.
Barwell appeared to believe his own lies, confidently
thinking he was invincible and above the law. He was of the opinion that his
was the only one that mattered, and he was superior even when pitted against
E.I.C. contemporaries who presided over this long and tedious enquiry in the Supreme
Court in Calcutta.
Portrait of Richard Barwell and his son circ 1780. Oil on
canvas by Joshua Reynolds.[6]
Khoja Michael Sarkies (Coja Michael) as a Zamindar,
continued to live and trade in Dacca extending partnerships in his salt business
to Johannes Ter Daniels and Stephanus Arratoon of Calcutta. In 1765 he also
conducted trade with Joseph Saffor Shahriman but found himself to be a creditor
of Shahriman when he died in 1766, Khoja Michael was owed around 600 Rupees[7]. Meanwhile, the
other partner Khoja Kevorke, went to Calcutta and settled there with his wife
and family. Familiar Armenian Calcutta names such as Manuk, Avietick, Owen,
Zorab, Emin, Stephen Gaspar, Vardon, Arathoon, Jordan, Bagram, Vertannes,
Michael, Cavorke and George, all descend from him whose full name was Khoja
Kevorke Ter Simon, and there are a number of living descendants scattered
around the world today. Khoja Kevorke died in Chinsurah in 1790, the same year
as his business partner Khoja Michael who died in Dacca. Kevorke’s estate was initially estimated to
be approximately Rs464,900[8]. The
reconciliation of Kevorke’s accounts was protracted because his widow
challenged the estate of her husband’s late partner, Khoja Sarkies for
outstanding monies. This lengthy process eventually led to her retrieving Khoja
Kevorke’s share of the partnership funds, once settled, taking other deductions
into account the figure finalised at around Rs60,000[9].
A handsome sum indeed for the Kevorke estate, but how much more would they have
had if it was not for the crooked Barwell?
 |
| Gabriel Cavorke fought for her husband's share of the Sarkies/Kevorke partnership spoils |
Meanwhile the estate of Khoja Sarkies was estimated to be
around 5 times more than Khoja Kevorke’s, calculated to be in excess of
Rs302,986[10].
Some of the other early Armenian settlers in Dacca arrived at a time when the country was in crisis. 1787 saw a devastating famine, coupled with unprecedented early flooding in March of that year. Armenians rallied around to help, not just other Armenians but also their friends, local people and the communities of Dacca. Far from landing on Indian soil and stepping into the rhythm of a comfortable and economically progressive commerce, the Julfan Armenians immediately became immersed in the same poverty and diseases that were engulfing the lives of Dacca locals at this time. Basic food such as grain and fresh water were in very short supply and to add to an already desperate situation a large fire broke out and over 7000 huts were destroyed. These weren’t just homes, but also storage huts containing vital food supplies. Many hundreds of lives were lost in the fire; the famine went on to claim thousands more. People left Dacca for other districts, there was very little for local people to stay for, whilst others from the countryside flocked to the city for help in the hope their famished families would get food. Wealthier inhabitants did indeed help those in dire straights, their stockpiles of precious grains were now the staple supplies, and at the height of the disaster, between 9 and 10 thousand people a day were fed through public contribution. A small number of Armenians made up this group, and although the situation quickly escalated from bad to near hopeless, they did what they could to help each other and the people around them.
One of those who survived the famine and who was
sufficiently well placed to help Muslims and Christians alike was salt and
property merchant Khoja Michael Sarkies. He had been born in Julfa around 1732
and as we have already seen, during his time in Dacca was one of the most
prominent and successful of his Zemindar contemporaries. It was to Michael
Sarkies that other migrating Julfan Armenians turned to when they wished to
settle in Dacca.
His uncle, Martyroos Ter Stephanoos, known as Khojah
Martyroos came from Persia his native country to Dacca and was supported
liberally by Michael Sarkies. Family ties were naturally strong, and Sarkies
ensured his uncle was comfortable in his new life.
Khoja Michael Sarkies died in 1790 without leaving a
will. As a successful businessman and
having accumulated his wealth, he didn’t think to write his last will and
testament, perhaps believing ‘his word was his bond.’ His valuable estate,
which contained Zemindaree lands at Dukhun, Shahbazpore and several houses and
other property in Dacca became fiercely fought over by relatives. It was claimed by Susan the daughter of his
paternal uncle Kerakoos Ter Stephanoos, that he (Khoja Michael) had no
legitimate issue, and she was, according to the Armenian law, entitled to one
share of his estate. Martyroos Ter Stephanoos another paternal uncle was
entitled to the remaining share.[11] This claim was
contested by Khoja Michael’s natural, but illegitimate son Arratoon.
Illegitimate he may have been, but Khoja Michael made it perfectly clear that
Arratoon was his heir apparent. Khoja Michael swore a public declaration in
front of a local Dacca Judge to this effect, and it took another one of those
prolific Armenian court cases to make it stick. The case against this public
declaration of heir apparent was brought by Khoja Avietick Ter Stephanuse
(Susan’s granddaughter Hannaye’s second husband) against Khoja Michael’s son,
Khoja Michael Arratoon. It was ultimately dismissed on the 24th July 1818, with Khoja Michael Arratoon[12] being
recognised as the legitimate heir, but he had to fight tooth and nail to prove
himself against the baying family circling the late Khoja Michael’s wealth.
 |
| Khoja Michael Sarkies's family tree chart showing descendants and extended family |
Turning to Avietick Ter Stephanus, who it must be said, did
not conduct his personal life as conventionally as we perhaps do today. His
first wife Hannaye, having died, he then had a relationship with his Muslim
slave girl with whom he had an illegitimate son Gabriel. The slave girl
eventually converted and became a Christian and Avietick Ter Stephanus named
his son as his natural and legitimate heir. Double standards from Avietick
because it wasn’t that long ago that he did not want to accept Khoja Michael’s
own illegitimate son as a recognised legitimate heir, yet Avietick was doing
exactly what Khoja Michael did for his own son.
There is a branch of the Stephanus/Harney stem from Dacca that is
descended from Avietick Ter Stephanus and the young slave girl. Today there are
living descendants from this union all around the world.
 |
| Family tree chart showing Avietick Ter Stephanus's descendants |
One wonders if Avietick brought the case because of his own
financial difficulty and needed to bail himself out of trouble using his late
wife’s grandmother’s inheritance. This rare document containing details of his
property for sale in Dacca survives today in Liz Chater’s private archive.
Sheriff’s Sale
Calcutta 13th July 1815
Notice is hereby given, that on Thursday the twentieth day
of July instant, precisely at noon, the Sheriff of Calcutta will put up to
Public Sale at the lower verandah of the Court House opposite the entrance into
the sheriff’s office by virtue of a writ of Fieri Facias* in his hands against
Avietick Ter Stephenuse.
The right title and interest of the said Avietick Ter
Stephanuse of in and to a large upperroomed messuage with the ground and
appurtenances thereto belonging situate at Dall Bazar in the city or town of
Dacca standing on about five Biggahs of ground more or less, lately in the
occupation of Richard Walpole Esquire Collector or Dacca.
The condition of sale may be known by applying at the
Sheriff’s office.
* A writ of execution authorizing a sheriff to lay a claim
to and seize the goods and chattels of a debtor to fulfil a judgment against
the debtor.
Thursday 13th July 1815
Advertisement for sale on the 20th July instant the property
of Avietick Ter Stephanuse.
(No. 89)
Entered.
(No. 89)
Entered.
 |
| Administration of the estate of Michael Sarkies was granted to his son Arratoon Michael and Martirus Padre Stephen less than 3 weeks after he died |
Hannaye Avietick Ter Stephannos was a cousin to the late
Khoja Michael Sarkies. She died in 1814 and her husband Avietick being her sole
heir was entitled to all the property that she possessed at the time of her
death. Michael Arratoon stated in court
that his father (Khoja Michael Sarkies) “….had no ancestral property, he came from Persia to Bengal and settled in
Dacca, where by merchandize he contrived to accumulate considerable property,
both real and personal……..”.
The Court statement went on to say: “….that Galoos [aka
Kaloos], the husband of Susan [daughter of Kerakoos Ter Stephanoos,and the
grandmother of Hannaye] also came to Dacca, and they being in extreme distress
in the famine which occurred in Bengal in Bengali Calendar 1194 [1787], Khoja
Michael Arratoon’s father (Khoja Sarkies) gave them shelter at their house.
Khoja Marytroos also came from Persia his native country to Dacca and was
supported liberally by Michael Sarkies.
They all lived in harmony together without coming to any kind of
division. As we have already seen,
feeling the approaches of old age, Michael Sarkies took his son to Mr. Douglas
the Judge of the city of Dacca, and in his presence publically acknowledge
Michael Arratoon as his sole heir, representative and successor. On his
[Michael Sarkies’s] death in 1790 he was recognised as such by the public
authorities. Michael Arratoon had been
in possession of the whole property ever since that period. Michael Arratoon and his uncle Martyrose Ter
Stephannos took out letters of administration (see image) to recover
outstanding debts due to the estate of Michael Sarkies. Michael Arratoon gave
Susan as the surety of his due discharge of the trust placed in him, which she
never would have undertaken had she possessed any right of inheritance. The claim of Avietick Ter Stephannos through
his wife was wholly unfounded, as he could have no right of inheritance while
the uncle [Martyroos] survived”. On 24th
July 1818 the claim of Avietick Ter Stephannos was dismissed by the fourth
Judge of the Dacca Court of appeal on the grounds that Susan had no right of
succession that the claim of Avietick Ter Stephannos through her was
groundless.
Avietick was so enraged at the prospect of Arratoon Michael
potentially selling off property and land, he placed a warning notice in the
local papers advising potential purchases to refrain from such acquisitions.
Meanwhile, Arratoon must have been finding the whole process
rather trying, and made a point of notifying the public that he was “going up
river” for a change of air.
In 1797 Marytrose Stephanno made a will to the following
effect:
“I Martroose Stefanoos, not being indebted to any one, nor
having any demands upon any one, do make this my last will and testament. My brother’s son Michael Sarkies died in
Dacca in the year 1790, without having executed a will, leaving a son named
Arratoon by a concubine. As the deceased
in his lifetime acknowledge the said Arratoon to be his son, I do by these
presents constitute him my executor. At
the present time there are only surviving, besides the said Arratoon, of the
relations of the deceased, I Matroose his uncle, Susan married to Galoos,
daughter of another paternal uncle, and Kamsuna the widow of my paternal
uncle. On the death of Michael Sarkies,
I Martroose, and his son Arratoon, took out letters of administration from the
Supreme Court, and have been in joint possession in ever since, the management
of the property being confined to the said Arratoon. I am entitled to a share of the estate by
inheritance, and with respect to that share, whatever it may be proved to be in
a Court of Justice, a will may be taken after my death to the grandson of my
brother (the said Arratoon), whom I acknowledge to be my successor and lawful
heir, in the same manner as my brother’s son, Michael Sarkies acknowledged him
to be his son and heir.”
 |
| Probate of the esetate of Martyruse Ter Stephanuse |
Probate of this will was duly obtained and filed in
Court. This document establishes two
points: first, that Matroose, Arratoon and Susan the wife of Galoos, were heirs
to the deceased Michael Sarkies, and were in joint possession of his landed and
other property from the time of his death in 1790, to the time of the execution
of Martroos’s will in 1797, and secondly, that Arratoon proved the will in the
Supreme Court and there admitted that Matroose was entitled to one third of the
property in right of inheritance and that he [Arratoon] was legatee of
Matroose. Legal debate continued for
some time, but it should be noted that Susan died in 1808,[13] but not before she was appointed
Administratrix of the estate of her son-in-law Aviet Gregory who had died in
the early part of 1797 in Dacca.
 |
| The Administration notice of Aviet Gregor's estate was granted to his mother-in-law Susan |
The estate accounts make interesting reading and often give
a unique insight into the life of the deceased that would not normally be
available. In this instance, it can be seen that prior to his death, Khojah
Michael Sarkies had taken steps for the Armenian Church in Dacca to have bells.
 |
| Cash paid Aga Abraham the balance of the price of a pair of large bells |
31 March 1792: From this extract it can be seen that a cash
sum was paid to Aga Abraham which was the balance of the price of a pair of
large bells for the present day Armenian Church, Dhaka. Those same bells
remained on the ground until at least 1835 when the unlikely bell-raiser, or at
least someone who thought it should be done, wrote in his Will of his last wish
and intention. Avietick Ter Stephanuse, the husband of Hannaye aka Anna
Avietick gave bold and decisive instructions in his Will. Hannaye was a 1st
cousin twice removed to the late Michael Sarkies. As we have already seen, her
husband Avietick had clashed in Court with Arratoon Michael the natural, albeit
illegitimate son of Khoja Michael Sarkies regarding the intestate estate. Avietick appears to have suffered mixed
fortunes financially, he nevertheless had a desire to see Khojah Sarkies’s name
attached to the church. Avietick wrote:
“I direct my executor first to discharge my debt to every
one individually then to collect my outstanding demands either with or without
taking legal measures and afterwards to build a steeple in a conspicuous place
in our Saint Arrathoon’s Church at Dacca and to suspend the pain of large bells
that are in the aforesaid church and to write on the one side of the steeple in
Armenian and English character to the memory of myself and of my wife the late
Mrs. Hannay (sic) and of my parents and also on the other side to be written to
the memory of the late Aga Michael Sarkies and his family and the cost for this
whatever it may be my executor is bound to pay.”
Clearly devoted to the Armenian Church in Dacca, this
bequest was one to ensure the remembrance of those he considered to be
important, and perhaps it was also meant as a sideways swipe at Arratoon
Michael. Certainly he aimed to make sure future generations knew of these early
steps in the history of the church, and he attempted to be recognised,
literally, with the writing on the wall. However, things do not appear to have
gone to plan. According to Mesrovb Seth[14],
we find that in fact Johannes Carapiet Sarkies was the contributor who funded
the steeple in 1837. Could this be a case of J.C. Sarkies usurping Avietick’s
last wish and stealing the glory of who built the church tower? It was not Avietick’s name on the memorial
tablet, but Johannes’s.
“This magnificent steeple was erected by the means and at
the expense of Johanness Carapiet Sarkies Esq., son of the late Carapiet
Sarkies Esq., to the honour and glory of our Saviour Jesus Christ and in
remembrance of all his ancestors of happy and blessed memory, in the month of
July 1837, in
the ancient capital of Dacca."
The church bells were eventually raised into position,
whether under the instruction of Avietick Ter Stephanuse or Johannes Carapiet
Sarkies is unknown. The bells remained insitu until the 1980s. In
correspondence dated 1985 it was reported that a rather audacious theft by
unknown persons had occurred: “….in recent months, one of the big bells out of
a set of 5 from the Church bell-tower was brought down and put on some
push-cart and sold outside to some bell-metal workers……” no double melted down
for a few Taka.
To put the size of this community into perspective with the
rest of Dacca, in 1840 there were approximately 40 Armenian families in the
city, yet here we are nearly 180 years later talking about this incredibly
small minority community and how much they achieved, although not always
smoothly. Their in-fighting and quick-fire quills to start court cases has
given us much to muse about in the 21st century.
We are fortunate to have incredibly gifted Armenian
historians, who have studied the trading patterns and routes from Persia to
India and Bangladesh during the 18th century and beyond. For those who wish to read about this
relationship between Asia and Persia, I would recommend Dr. Sebouh Aslanian’s
“From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean The Global Trade Networks of
Armenian Merchants from New Julfa”.
The Dacca Armenian Church land contributor, Agha Catchick
Minas and his brother Howan were from the extensive trading Minas family of New
Julfa.
Their father, Khojah Emnias Minas, had suffered a most
horrendous death having been burned alive at the stake by Nadir Shah in January
1747 in Isfahan’s central square[15].
The brothers were both traders and landowners in Dacca. Their
respective first wives, Catchick’s Sophie[16]
and Howan’s Khathaie[17] had died within
two years of each other at Dacca in 1764 and 1766 respectively. Both men went
on to marry a second time.
As a wealthy landowner Agha Catchick possessed a number of
villages in Dacca from which he received rental income. However, by 1791 he was
part of the Armenian merchants and traders living in Saidabad where had
remarried to Mariam Gregory. In May of that year, in what can only be described
as the equivalent of our modern day social media, a furious Agha Catchick
placed a classified ads notice in the local newspaper, describing in detail an
unprecedented personal account of how he had been humiliated and cuckolded by
Mariam. One can only imagine the kind of sensation this outburst caused amongst
the readers in Bengal. Clearly, he felt strongly enough about the situation
that he thought himself impervious to those quietly gossiping about him. His
tone and style was strong and resolute and he sought to be as disparaging of
her as he could.
I CATCHIK EMNIAZ, an Armenian, now an inhabitant of
Saydabad, but late of Dacca in the Province of Bengal , a Merchant: and sorry
to be obliged to give the following notice to the Public, but my own security
demands it: Whereas MARRIAM CANOOM my present wife, who was the Daughter of
GREGORY of the family of AGAS AVETICK, did on the 23d day of December 1787,
elope from me her Husband, without any cause or pro-vocation whatever, under a
presence that the was going to take a walk to Berhampore, taking with her
Jewells and other things belonging to my Estate to a very considerable amount,
and in her way to Berhampore she exchanged her Bearers to prevent discovery,
for Ticka Bearers, and at Calcapore she took up and cohabited with the Dutch Company's
Doctor called Doctor VERNAM, and went to Patna , of which I was quite ignorant
of, and for some time concealed herself in the house of a native shroff there,
until they could obtain protection at the Danish Factory there under the Danish
Flag, which in a few days they accomplished, and here it is, I must say some
thing of her general behaviour to me and in my house after our marriage, which
behaviour was so undutiful and untoward, that I cannot pass over it in silence.
Agha Catchik’s brother and business partner Howan Emnias
also owned property in Dacca. A third business partner was Astwasatoor Papook
of Calcutta[18]. Astwasatoor
died in 1787 and following his death the partnership between them was wound up
with Both Catchik and Howan as executors. However, Catchik passed away in 1798
leaving Howan to wind up both estates. When Howan passed away in 1804 the
outstanding estates of his partners was far from finalised and his son
Muckertich was left with the unenviable task of unravelling a very complicated
set of inter-connected accounts, claims and counter-claims.
Properties belonging to Howan Emnias at Sydabad were
advertised for sale in 1805
 |
| 26 December 1805 Calcutta Gazette |
and in 1807 his property in Dacca was also put up for sale.
This advertisement contains important location information, and offers insight
into how close the community were located in relation to the Armenian Church in
Dacca. “One lower and three upper roomed houses situated behind the Armenian
Church in Dacca, built of the best pucka materials with a well laid out garden
the whole standing on five Biggahs of ground.” The importance of this
incredible statement tells us that the area around the church was not heavily
built upon but in fact contained large open spaces; something that won’t be
recognisable in today’s Dhaka.
 |
| 9th April 1807 Calcutta Gazette |
As part of the Dhaka Armenian Heritage Project, we were
fortunate to be given access to this photograph. It is of some of the Armenian
community gathering at Mr. Michael’s home around the 1930s/40s and, with an
extraordinary piece of luck, shows the Armenian Church located in the
background. This is excellent
corroborative evidence of how the community continued to live close to the
church 130 years after Howan Emnias with open green spaces and single storey
residential properties surrounding it.
 |
| Mr Michael's lunch party pictured in the grounds of his house. In the background can be seen the top of the Armenian Church, Dhaka this shows how close the community lived to the Church and how spacious and open the area was. |
Our early Armenian pioneer settlers literally built the
foundations on which today stands the beautiful Armenian Church. Those early
pioneer settlers also unwittingly left a legacy and insight into their lives by
the very disputes they chose to argue about in the public forum of the local
judicial Courts. Today there are scores
of descendants around the world whose ancestor was Khoja Michael Sarkies, many
of them are unaware of their turbulent ancestors’ past and the wonderful
Armenian heritage they are part of.
[1]
Bengal Past and Present Vol 10 January-June 1915. P.233
[2] By
today’s standard of living that is a value equivalent to in excess of £600,000
[3]
Reports from Committees of the House of Commons, Vol VI East Indies 1783
[4]
The District of Bakarganj, It’s History and Statistics, 1876.
[5]
Bengal Revenue Consultations of 28th April 1775.
[7]
The Will of Joseph Shahriman states he had an outstanding balanced owing to
Coja Michael of Dacca.
[8]
Will Administration. British Library L/AG/34/29/1/58 1790.
[9]
Will Accounts. British Library L/AG/34/27/22/164
[10]
Estate accounts BL: L/AG/34/27/18/83
[11]
Report of Cases Determined in the Court of the Sudder Dawanny Adawlut,
Calcutta, by W.H. McNaughten, Registrar of that Court, 1820.
[12]
Confusingly, Arratoon Michael was often referred to as Michael Arratoon. It was
a common practice for Armenian families to use the patronymic naming style,
i.e. the son would use the father’s Christian name as a surname.
[13]
Avietick Ter Stefanoos, Appellant v Khaja Michael Aratoon, Respondent , 8
February 1820, Dacca Supreme Court.
[14]
Armenians in India, P. 573
[15]
From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean. The Global Trade Networks of
Armenian Merchants from New Julfa. P.95.
Professor Sebouh Aslanian
[16]
Inscriptions on Tombs or Monuments Bengal, P.207
[17]
Inscriptions on Tombs or Monuments Bengal, P.208
[18]
Estate accounts: BL L/AG/34/27/34/23
